Latin american creation myths-List of creation myths - Wikipedia

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Latin american creation myths

Steele, P. Main article: List of Aztec deities. A new burial pattern pertained to changes in orientations of the dead interred under the floor of domestic architecture Latin american creation myths By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. In the 's it would certainly have been an exaggeration to speak of general Monroe enthusiasm in the US.

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Meanwhile, lies was locked inside the capsule of creation. Hurons, Vintage can-can pictures. Views Read Edit Crfation history. To these were given the power to see and to go about in the dark, and to make prey of the birds and animals which must sleep at night. They protect nature and wild animals and attack humans who seem to be harming Latin american creation myths wild. When fire and ice met, they combined to form a giant, named Ymir, and a crextion, named Audhumbla, to nourish Ymir. Next article. Journal Latin american creation myths the American Oriental SocietyVol. Larin version is based on the Ogdoad of Hermopolis, another on the Heliopolitan Ennead, and another on the Memphite theology. The Egyptians did not build the pyramids. Memorable stories feature the winds, the moon, and giants. Kyra Richter April 21, at pm - Reply. Quetzalcoatl is in control in this era.

Krakau Knud.

  • The indigenous peoples of the Americas comprise numerous different cultures.
  • A story from Chilean folklore about the smartest woman in the world, her talking shoe, and a prince that deserved a slap on the face.
  • A creation myth or creation story is a cultural, traditional or religious myth which describes the earliest beginnings of the present world.

Krakau Knud. Vue sous cet angle, la doctrine de Monroe continue de servir d'utile instrument d'analyse. With these words President Kennedy is reported to have countered an aide's suggestion that the U. What, indeed, is it? A principle of unilateral American policy, the doctrine has always been whatever authoritative American decision-makers said it was at any particular time.

During its year it has become the symbol for the historical effort of the U. It also symbolized America's readiness, in order to secure that end, to circumscribe Latin America's autonomy by means running the entire gamut from friendly political persuasion to the use of armed force.

Hence the Doctrine contains elements of self- protection for the U. Let us consider some of the reasons. The Doctrine is dated as a political concept in a changing world.

As a political concept it is dated because it offers only political answers — i. The problems, however, are in their intra-hemispheric and non-political. They concern the of Latin American nations as modern democratic and and socially just societies.

The Monroe Doctrine does not even address these issues. The underlying assumption was that the U. The Doctrine is dated as a unilateral hegemonial policy One of its major features has always been its extreme unilateralism. Indeed, these arrangements would have allowed regional collective Monroe policies — if Latin Americans collectively had wanted them.

As a rule they did not. The U. But this unilateralism is coun-. Monroe unilateralism will not be accepted any longer by Latin even if it cannot always prevent it. The Doctrine is dated in a world of transformed political and economic structures. The expansion and diversification of Latin America's domestic economic activities and external relations trade, financial and political has brought openings inter se, toward Europe, Japan, the former socialist-communist states, even on the South-South axis.

These changes have not led to the end of US influence in Latin America but to a decidedly less asymmetrical relationship. Even the debt situation, while creating new dependencies, also adds to the 2. The Monroe Doctrine has lost its prominent position even in the language of official policy makers of the US over the last three decades or so.

In the Guatemalan situation of it was invoked and officially turned against the Soviet Union's and international communism's intervention in the Western Lyndon B. Johnson, then Senator from Texas, promoted a resolution to that effect. Kennedy acted clearly within the frame of reference of the Doctrine but referred to it only implicitly, as did now President Johnson with regard to the Dominican intervention in Then, during the next fifteen years or so, it practically disappeared from discourse.

In the 's, however, the Reagan administration rationalized its Latin American and Caribbean policies very much in the substantive categories of the Monroe Doctrine without to it by name 3. Does it make sense, then, to characterize these policies as still informed by the Monroe Doctrine, or has that instrument fallen into the limbo of history?

There is, I think, one genuine and real link between the genesis of the Doctrine, its year history, and the recent predicament in Central America : the concept of the Monroe Doctrine as political myth. The concept of myth should be taken seriously, not simply as something opposed to truth or reality.

Myth itself is, not only in a religious context, but also as political myth, a powerful force. It is an extremely complex concept. There is no one uniform theory. My method necessarily has to be eclectic, using features about myth. One important type of social myth is the creation or founding or charter myth. It accounts for the origins of a social group. The Monroe Doctrine is the last act of this drama, inconsistencies between its elements notwithstanding.

Five conclusions can be drawn from the rich literature on the subject. They serve as tools for later policy analysis. The creation myth is indispensable for the social group or nation living under it. Retelling the story of its creation is really its re-enactment, every 4th of July oration or the Constitution Bicentennial bear witness to this process. The invocation of the symbols conveying the meaning of this creation helps account for the social, political, and spiritual existence of the group or nation.

They give meaning to the group's existence. They create order in the unknown, bewildering, inexplicable, dangerous world surrounding it. The myth helps develop psychic stability, establish social cohesion, political order and continuity.

In other words : the myth strongly influences the nation's perception of the world and its reaction towards it. Given its explanatory power, the myth also provides guidance and prescription. It provides a moral model for action of the group or the group's members in the world.

It provides a kind of internal map for their behavior Bruner and enables them to handle the unknown. By referring to the mythical precedent, the moral values and the social order established by myth, the mythical past is being turned into practical argument for the present. This practical-argument function of myth behavior and legitimizes claims against the other or the enemy, hence developing a characteristically bipolar ethic.

Politics and Foreign Affairs or Richard Hofstadter's article on the paranoid style follow this line of analysis. Myth is a powerful force because it is believed, it makes sense to people's lives and, therefore, becomes immune against critical- rational scrutiny or confrontation with contradictory evidence.

As the external protective shield for the newly created nation, the Doctrine shares the core values of the latter's Creation Myth. Among these core values two are of special relevance here. The other, closely related, is the belief that America's existence and actions have a meaning transcending the narrow confines of where they take place : They represent the hope and interests of mankind.

This statement is, of course, as bold as it is conventional. But I shall leave it at that except to briefly quote Alexander Hamilton. Being part of the great Myth of the American Creation, the Doctrine shares its characteristics, among them its sacredness. One can invoke, but not criticize it. Correspondingly, it sets limits for acceptable behavior. The mythic quality of the Doctrine helps resolve some of the contradictory puzzles it poses.

Walter LaFeber offers an intriguing objection in what appears to be the last scholarly treatment of the Doctrine 5. His emphasis on these differences may be fully correct. Yet LaFeber misses the mythic character of the Doctrine.

He approaches it in a rationalist- normativist way similar to its traditional interpreters. Monroe's and Theodore Roosevelt's, and concludes that their thrust and differ, hence that there are two quite different and norms. But the difference that matters is really between two radically different levels of discourse : that of a rational policy tool on the one hand LaFeber's historical concern , and of political myth on the other.

The Doctrine may have many meanings and like Scripture it can be quoted to any purpose. That Doctrine is what the president says it is at any given time.

This exercise in historical research has little or no bearing upon the present shape and status of the Doctrine as political myth. It refers less. It is quite clear that the Committee cannot free itself from the trappings of the hegemonial perspective of the Monroe Myth. Its underlying assumption obviously is America's mission and special the belief that the US pursues not selfish but common human or at least hemispheric interests and that, given enough patience or occasional prodding, the southern neighbors would come to appreciate that.

The of the Monroe Myth can conceive of and explain radical, e. Under the impact of the Myth, American hegemonic even violent ones, on behalf of the hemispheric core values cease to be seen as what they are, i. The Monroe Doctrine became the holy writ of US policy in Latin America on the one hand because it was part of the encompassing American Creation Myth and as such partook of its sacredness.

On the other hand, it soon developed a mythical life and correspondingly strong persuasive powers of its own. The assumed causal link was, of course, an illusion. This happy state of affairs was, in the 19th century, due largely to parallel British interests supported by the British navy and the width of the ocean, and in the 20th to the rapidly developing power of the US. It worked at least until the Cuban Revolution. Thereafter, official invocation of the Monroe Doctrine by formal decision-makers declined.

But the Doctrine minus its label can easily serve as the interpretative framework for continued US policies of denial by means of political and economic pressure or isolation and, as a last resort, of military intervention. These policies were directed at Cuba and its potential or actual especially in Central America and the Caribbean.

This version of the Monroe Doctrine can just as well help explain the supplementary policies of economic and military support for those governments which resisted the Cuban temptation. The Committee had some influence on the Reagan administration. The Congress debated the situation in Central America extensively in the 's. Yet, in contrast to the Cuban situation of , the Monroe Doctrine did not play a very prominent role. The resolution found a mild restatement in September against Nicaragua.

Is the Monroe Doctrine still a meaningful foreign policy concept under these changed circumstances? Myth establishes continuity. The myth does not have to be invoked explicitly. We are to certain perceptions by linguistic and thought patterns and images which we acquire by education and acculturation. They do not have to be labelled. These thought patterns define the situation for us.

As a result, Tezcatlipoca transformed them into monkeys, and Quetzalcoatl sent hurricanes to wipe the monkeys out. Lucent Books. Oxford University Press. Pearce 11 May Find articles and news about Mexico.

Latin american creation myths

Latin american creation myths

Latin american creation myths

Latin american creation myths. 30-Latin American Folklore: Unbreakable

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Latin American Indian Creation Myths

About the Journal. Contents All Volumes. Processing Charges. Manuscript Preparation. Submit Your Manuscript. Cosmology Science Books Order from Amazon. Order from Amazon. Journal of Cosmology, , Vol , In Press. Benfer, Ph. Abstract Mesoamerica and South America share common features in cosmology such as origin accounts. Further, the geographical breadth of these shared myths suggests considerable time depth. In South America, a mythical fox is linked to the moon, the sky, crops, marine foods, and irrigation.

Review of ethnohistory and ethnography show that this mythical fox is restricted to Andean and tropical lowland South America, a range that still suggests considerable antiquity for the myth. Archaeological investigation offers a way of testing proposed antiquity.

They are associated with temples on platform mounds, which show general astronomical orientations. Several temples have a complex set of astronomical alignments. A hierarchy of priests must have directed constructions of mounds, temples, and astronomical systems by the end of the third millennium BC in South America. The archaeological data are consistent with the cosmology of the Andes as known from ethnohistoric and ethnographic sources.

On the other hand, the Andean fox myth is still widespread in South America. It introduces the cosmology of Mesoamerica and South America, especially the origin accounts and the myth of the Andean fox. To contextualize the paper for the general scientific reader unfamiliar with Mesoamerican or South American cosmology, we begin with an orientation to Andean belief systems. To place the Andean fox in its larger cosmological context, we begin with a broadbrush treatment of Inca cosmology, following Steele and Allan There are still many correspondences of Inca astronomy with ethnographically known astronomical practices of indigenous peoples today.

For the Inca, duality was a critical conceptualization of the cosmos, with a primary duality being the division of the world into upper and lower parts. Ordinary human life was situated between the two. In the upper world were deities like the sun, the moon, the Milky Way, and the stars.

This lower world of water and earth was strongly associated with the feminine principle, the earth mother. Inca cosmology may have been patterned on another duality, human physique, with right masculine and left feminine Classen Another metaphor that could be used for Inca cosmology is that of hydrology, which speaks of the importance of irrigation through myths of emergence of the first humans from Lake Titicaca or the ocean, the duality being the earth and water Mazadiego et al.

Naturally there is some question as to the influence of the chroniclers' cosmology on their understanding of the answers to their questions about the existence and number of levels of the world because the three levels of the universe sometimes reported would be comparable to the three of Christian cosmology. On the other hand, it is clear that many elements in the Incan creation stories are autochthonous, even some which are partly shared in the Christian creation story such as that of a flood.

A second feature of contemporary Andean thought, one that is mirrored by Mesoamerican beliefs, is that of reciprocity. Therefore, for archaeologists, when hierarchies began appears to mark a major time when a society achieved a means of managing greater complexity. The evidence associated with the fox representations argues that the beginnings of hierarchy in Andean South America occurred with the rise of a priestly cult who maintained a complex knowledge of astronomy.

As with the Maya, the Inca believed that there were a series of unsuccessful creations before that of modern people. Christian belief holds that only one creation occurred, although the later destruction of everyone but Noah and his family led to essentially a second population.

For the Inca, the stars were formed first, and then fixed in their positions. The moon and sun were created next. Only then were humans made. There was a beginning point in time for the Maya but not for the Inca. There are echoes of cyclic and linear means of time measurement today. Some specialists in Maya societies still count the days using elements of the old interlocking cycle and lineal calendars Tedlock , p.

Some modern Mayan languages show descendent forms of "since" and "up until" discourse markers Furbee Thus the ancient Maya developed formal systems to count both cyclically and linearly, an accomplishment perhaps impelled by their invention of a concept of zero.

Ancestors of Quechuas and Aymaras do not seem to have developed the linear concept of time in prehistory, but like Mayans today, both descendent peoples incorporate a system borrowed from Western Europeans. The complex agricultural systems tie work to the seasonal cycles of events in the sky. The progression of constellations and lunar phases predict the inception of agricultural phases on the earth for both Mayan and Andean peoples.

However, these Andeans also lived with a linear, calendric system. Andeans have functioned with both the cyclical and the linear schedules of measuring future and past numbers of days or weeks, civil events, religious ceremonies, or meeting dates, and so on , but unquestionably the primacy for them was the seasonal. The principle of linear time appears to be an introduced overlay in a strongly cyclical system for the Andeans.

Mayan farmers of course live by the cycle of seasons, even as they also account for linear time. Many Mayans even use the metaphor of the growth of vegetation to express the cycles of birth, death, reproduction, death, and rebirth and the persistence through cycles of replacement of generations Wilson Both Andeans and Mayans live among animated mountains, which are called apus in South America. The apus watch over Andean villages, castigating them with lightening, hail, or sleet when they do not make proper offerings to Pachamama, the mother earth.

While working in the nearby Andean villages of Conima, we visited an archaeological site on the west side of Lake Titicaca where such offerings were still made. As a storm gathered, our guide warned that instead of making the required payments four times a year, public offerings were now made just once a year.

We asked what might be the consequences of this change, and he said that Illapa , the God of lightning, might strike someone from the village. A thunderhead grew to the north of the small house where we had been staying. We hurried back. Then there was a huge clap of thunder. The next day we learned that a lightening bolt had killed a young man from the village, not far from our residence.

These are located in structures related to temples that have fox figures Benfer et al. These temples, which date to to BC, have yielded much information about the mythical fox that appears in there sculptures, bas relief, and incised versions.

Ethnohistoric and ethnographic sources supported the interpretations and the ideas of Bauer and Dearborn , p. During the excavations at archaeological site of Buena Vista, a fox visited us Fig. He observed us from a nearby hill Benfer's field notes on the first day that we began to excavate the temple where we later found an incised fox figure in the entryway.

He made daily visits until we had finished excavations there and covered the temple. This large species of fox Pseudalopex culapeus is closer in size to a coyote Jimenez et al. It also preys on larger domestic animals than do his smaller sibling species and thus is a great danger to agriculturalists. Archaeologists, like astronomers, attempt to explain the distribution of phenomena in time and space. In principle, even Mesoamerica fox mythology could bear on the question of early sharing with South America, since the origin accounts from both regions share many identical elements.

Spanish accounts in the 16th and 17th centuries provide some hints as to the nature of prehistoric cosmologies in both Mesoamerica and South America. Ethnography shows that aspects of these beliefs have survived years despite vigorous attempts to destroy them. In Mesoamerica, the decipherment of the hieroglyphs revealed a rich of astronomical knowledge and concern for predicting the movements of celestial bodies.

In South America, we rely on ethnohistory, much of which was written during the lifetimes of persons who had been subjects of the Inca, or in some cases, Inca royalty.

He brought back carbohydrates from the heavens in the form of agricultural plants, and animal protein in the form of fish. His association with climate change and prediction of crop success is told in stories over much of South America.

His constellation is visible to indigenous peoples in a number of South American countries. From coastal Peru to southern Ecuador, shamans still use the fox to make prophesies, and variations on the fox myths are still heard from Central to South. However, the South American fox is not related to the Aesop's fables type of myth borrowed from Europeans. An Andean constellation of his personage is widely known throughout much of South America.

The fox monitors offerings to the earth, which are reviewed for adequacy by animated mountains. The fox of contemporary indigenous peoples' cosmology appears to be the same fox that by BC was first represented in art associated with monumental architecture at Buena Vista.

Finds from coastal Peruvian sites represent the earliest monumental architecture in the Americas, a fact that gives them considerable importance for theories that purport to explain the rise of civilization.

In contrast, monumental architecture in Mesoamerica did not appear for another several thousand years e. Cyphers and di Castro , p. Both regions are pristine centers for the origin of complex societies. We take the presence of complex societies to be indicated by purposefully constructed mounds rather than by mounds created by accumulations of refuse Benfer n. One must also account for the cosmologies of these peoples.

Control of cosmological knowledge was probably the earliest form of hierarchical power, specifically that of priests who had astronomical knowledge. Such power was presumably gained by the priest's ability to predict celestial events, such as drought or inundations, and to ameliorate terrestrial threats by warnings and by presiding over offerings to the earth. That this power included prophesies, especially of planting and opportune times for fishing, but also of eclipses, is shown in the astronomical alignments and orientations of both pyramids and structures on the tops of pyramids.

The hypothesis that priests with astronomical knowledge directed the construction of the first large platform mounds and the temples on them has not been previously advanced with supporting evidence such as we present. Archaeology, like astronomy, depends to some extent on the order of discoveries, because order can affect subsequent research. Therefore, there follows here a sketch of the archaeological finds that stimulated this paper, finds that show an early period in the development of the fox myth.

The narrative art of Andeans today describes the fox as a personage who links the earth and the sky van Kessel , p. At the archaeological site of Buena Vista, we find the first evidence for this cosmology in plastic art, astronomical alignments, and offering chamber at BC. This temple sits on the top of a stepped platform mound where a final feast occurred in an offering chamber Duncan et al.

When offerings are combined with the reckoning of sky events at a platform mound, the place is identified as an ushnu Zuidema , Pino M.

Latin american creation myths