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Jack French Kemp July 13, — May 2, was an American politician and a professional player in both American football and Canadian football.
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Jack French Kemp July 13, — May 2, was an American politician and a professional player in both American football and Canadian football. Bush from to , having previously served nine terms in the United States House of Representatives from to He was the Republican Party's nominee for Vice President in the election , where he was the running mate of presidential nominee Bob Dole.
Kemp had previously contended for the presidential nomination in the Republican primaries. He played in the AFL for all 10 years of its existence, appeared in its All-Star game seven times, played in its championship game five times, and set many of the league's career passing records. During the early part of his football career, he served in the United States Army Reserve.
As an economic conservative, Kemp advocated low taxes and supply-side policies during his political career. As a proponent of both Chicago school and supply-side economics, he is notable as an influence upon the Reagan agenda and the architect of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of , which is known as the Kemp— Roth tax cut. After his days in political office, Kemp remained active as a political advocate and commentator; he served on corporate and nonprofit organization boards. He also authored, co-authored, and edited several books.
He promoted American football and advocated for retired professional football players. Kemp attended Melrose Avenue 's Fairfax High School ,  which was, at the time, known both for its high concentration of Jewish students and concentration of celebrities' children.
In his spare time, he was a rigorous reader, preferring history and philosophy books. At Occidental, Kemp was a record-setting javelin hurler and played several positions on the football team: quarterback, defensive back , place kicker , and punter. Kemp graduated from Occidental in and married Joanne Main, his college sweetheart,  after she graduated from Occidental in Significantly for a man with his demanding schedule, Jack never missed one of their games as children or in college.
In , C. Joanne Kemp once suffered a miscarriage , which Kemp later said made him re-evaluate the sanctity of human life and affirmed his opposition to abortion. Following his wedding, Kemp converted to his wife's Presbyterian faith. Kemp was a 33rd degree Freemason in the Northern Masonic Jurisdiction. The Giants hosted the NFL championship game , known as the "Greatest Game Ever Played" and the first overtime NFL playoff game,    but, as a third-string quarterback member of the taxi squad, Kemp did not take the field.
According to his older brother Tom, his parents drove him from California to Calgary, Alberta only to see him cut. However, this time the Chargers were unable to score until a fourth-quarter field goal in a 10—3 loss.
The Berlin Wall was erected in August On October 15, , President John F. Kennedy activated Kemp's San Diego-based th Transportation Company reserves unit for duty in response.
In September, the right-handed Kemp had injured his left shoulder while playing football. In a decision that was reviewed and upheld by the Surgeon General of the United States Army , Army doctors found him as unfit for active duty. Years later, Kemp's Chargers roommate, Ron Mix , recalled that Kemp needed "ten or so" shots of painkillers before each game and commented that "it sounds weird, but he could play football and not be fit to serve in the Army.
In , Kemp broke his middle finger two games into the season and was unable to play. He persuaded his doctors to set his broken finger around a football, so that his grip would not be affected once the finger healed. Chargers coach Sid Gillman put Kemp on waivers to try to "hide" him. According to Billy Shaw , Kemp's acquisition solved the Bills' quarterback problem,  but Kemp was not excited about coming to Buffalo. He hated the thought of coming to Buffalo. That season, Kemp received a military draft notice for service in the Vietnam War but was granted a draft waiver because of a knee problem.
The injuries healed, and Kemp debuted for Buffalo on November 18, , by directing the only touchdown drive in a 10—6 win over the Oakland Raiders.
Lamonica felt he " And I truly believe that we were a great one-two punch at the position for the Bills. During the game, Buffalo replaced Kemp with Lamonica after falling behind 16—0, but still lost 26—8. Kemp was said to be the "clubhouse lawyer" for the Bills because of his role in mediating conflicts. Kemp led the league in yards per attempt and finished one rushing touchdown short of the league lead, which was shared by Gilchrist and Sid Blanks.
According to Lamonica, the team had a new emphasis: "In '64 we had depended a lot on Gilchrist and our running attack to carry us. But that all changed in ' The Bills had traded Gilchrist in the off season to the Denver Broncos. We not only went to our receivers, but we threw a lot to our running backs.
And I really think it brought out the best in Jack that year. Following the championship game, Saban resigned to coach the University of Maryland and defensive coordinator Joe Collier was promoted to head coach for the season. On August 23, , the Bills suffered a blowout preseason loss to the Houston Oilers.
On August 26, Collier put the Bills through a play scrimmage. During the scrimmage, Ron McDole fell on Kemp's right knee and injured it, forcing Kemp to sit out the entire season. Despite Kemp's return from injury and the arrival of running back O. Simpson , the Bills only compiled a 4—10 record during the season under new coach John Rauch. I figured that if I lost I could always come back and play. But the fans had their say and I was elected to Congress.
He is second in many other championship game categories, including career and single-game passer rating. He was the only AFL quarterback to be listed as a starter all 10 years of the league's existence and one of only 20 players to serve all 10 of those years. His number 15 was retired by the Bills in When I entered the political arena, I had already been booed, cheered, cut, sold, traded, and hung in effigy. Kemp's political career began long before his campaign. In the football off-season, Kemp worked on Reagan's staff in Sacramento.
In , he was special assistant to the Republican National Committee chairman. Kemp was a voracious reader, and his political beliefs were founded in early readings of Goldwater's The Conscience of a Conservative , Ayn Rand 's novels such as The Fountainhead , and Friedrich von Hayek 's The Constitution of Liberty.
King or John Lewis. But I am here now, and I am going to yell from the rooftops about what we need to do. As a self-described "bleeding-heart conservative",  Kemp represented a part of the suburban Buffalo region known as the Southtowns that traditionally voted Democratic in the United States House of Representatives from to McCarthy decided to run for the United States Senate. Kennedy throwback who campaigned on family values , patriotism, sports, and defense.
The Nixon aides encouraged Kemp to endorse the Cambodian invasion and to oppose criticism of Nixon's war policies in order to firm up Kemp's support from military hawks. Kemp championed several Chicago school and supply-side economics issues, including economic growth, free markets , free trade , tax simplification and lower tax rates on both employment and investment income.
Time identified year-old second-term congressman Kemp as a future leader in its "Faces for the Future" feature. After he was reelected for a sixth term in , his Republican peers elected him to a party leadership position,  and he served seven years as chairman of the House Republican Conference. By , many viewed Kemp as Reagan's heir apparent.
Kemp had his first encounter with supply-side economics in , when The Wall Street Journal ' s Jude Wanniski interviewed him at his Congressional office. Kemp questioned Wanniski all day until midnight, at Kemp's Bethesda, Maryland home and was eventually converted to University of Southern California professor Arthur Laffer 's supply-side discipline.
Bill Roth of Delaware proposed tax-cutting legislation. During the Reagan years, Kemp and his followers ignored budget balancing while promoting tax cuts and economic growth. An early Kemp tax reform attempt was an unsuccessful proposal to index tax brackets for cost of living fluctuations,  which was incorporated in Reagan's package. The reversal was controversial and stimulated opposition by Kemp. Nonetheless, the revised taxes passed. The debates included domestic monetary involvement and roles in funding the International Monetary Fund.
Kemp delivered speeches at several Republican National Conventions. However, the three platform planks that he proposed involved tax hikes, the gold standard and the role of the Federal Reserve. Kemp was a critic of association football, known as soccer in the United States. Candidates from each party expressed opinions on both sides of the personal privacy issue, and Kemp rejected the Times inquiry as "beneath the dignity of a presidential candidate".
He was accompanied on the trip by plus US conservative leaders. Despite a platform covering the full range of political subjects, Kemp's primary campaign weapon was a fiscal policy based on tax cuts. As part of his fiscal policy, he opposed a Social Security benefits freeze and endorsed a freeze on government spending. In late , political pundits saw that Kemp needed to gain support from the far right on non-social issues.
With aspirations of support from right-wing voters, all candidates with low levels of poll support for the nomination took this same "sabre-rattling" stand. He used a somewhat negative advertising campaign that seemed to have the intended initial effect of boosting him to serious contention. As a so-called "bleeding-heart conservative", Kemp was a logical choice for Bush as the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development ,  whose job would be to foster public sector and private sector methods to meet the demands of public housing.
The project involved selling public housing to its tenants. Darman also opposed Kemp's proposed welfare adjustment of government offsets. However, the Persian Gulf War and the budget negotiations overshadowed Kemp's new project. President Bush avoided federal antipoverty issues,  and instead used Kemp as a mouthpiece to speak on the administration's low priority conservative activist agenda.
Schumer had probably summarized the prospects of Kemp's success in advance best when he said in , "Good ideas with money can do a whole lot.
Good ideas without money aren't probably going to do a whole lot," and the issue here was the decision not to fund Kemp's ideas.
Generally, his time as housing secretary was considered unsuccessful. Ross Perot mounting a formidable campaign, Kemp was again considered a vice presidential candidate.
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They believe the system is rigged, that America has broken its promises to its working class, that the citizens who transport its goods, extract its energy, and shower after work rather than before have been shafted and forgotten. He does not declare that he alone can fix it. Brown has dedicated his career to labor issues like this; he wears a canary lapel pin as a reminder of the days before union protections and government regulations when canaries in coal mines were the only safety precautions for workers underground.
Enter Trump, who won the White House in by flipping several key Midwestern states from blue to red; his 8-point romp in Ohio was his biggest turnaround of a state won by Barack Obama. Meanwhile, Brown is trouncing his Trump-loving Republican challenger, Rep. Ohio was trending red even before Trump; Brown and Obama are the only Democrats who have won statewide elections here in the past decade.
Still, the laws of political gravity apply. Republicans have also been embroiled in scandals involving charter schools and payday lenders in Columbus, not to mention the indictments, plea deals and other embarrassing dramas dominating the news out of Washington. Meanwhile, the Democratic base seems unusually fired up to take out its frustrations at the polls.
Vote Union. What a joke! But you know what? Too many of us are scared of minorities taking over this country. That probably explains the Trump surge in the Midwest better than any economic analysis.
After all, the double-digit unemployment of the Great Recession was already a distant memory in I recently visited Youngstown , a city of abandoned steel mills often featured in investigations of the white working-class Trumpquake, to watch Mike DeWine promote his Ohio Prosperity Plan at a manufacturing firm called Taylor Winfield Technologies.
The Republican candidate for governor was supposed to be meeting with local employers, not employees, so I was confused when a company representative announced he would talk to the media in front of a welder. It was one of the machines that Taylor Winfield produces to help steelmakers replace human welders. Trump has made some outlandish promises to workers on his visits to Youngstown, pledging to bring back every one of the tens of thousands of steel jobs the area has lost, but his pitch has been unmistakably aimed toward workers, evoking the bygone days when a kid out of high school could get a job at a factory and spend a lifetime in the middle class.
DeWine spent an hour listening to manufacturers complain how hard it is to find capable drug-free workers, and how the U. DeWine is not a blustery rabble-rouser, or a swaggering celebrity, or anything else that could be considered Trump-like. DeWine also went out of his way to praise the president and Republican Congress for passing a huge tax cut for businesses, vowing to enact similar policies in Ohio.
By contrast, DeWine sued to repeal Obamacare and its protections for pre-existing conditions on his first day of work in Cordray is not burdened by surplus charisma, either. He tweets Ohio trivia and quirky musings about everything from odd fungus in his backyard to the aesthetically pleasing shape of the state.
And when people focus on our issues, we get to the right place. Some Ohio Democrats believe Trump could have expanded his blue-collar inroads in if he had kept his promises to launch a huge infrastructure program, lower the cost of prescription drugs, and vigorously attack the opioid crisis. He has done none of those things. Still, he has impressed some working-class voters by shaking up U. Tim Ryan, a Youngstown-area Democrat who has been floated as a potential Trump challenger in But Brown and other Democrats have pointed out that the Republican tax bill actually included incentives for manufacturers to move jobs abroad, slicing their tax rates in half.
And sure enough, General Motors recently announced a Chevrolet Blazer plant in Mexico on the same day it laid off hundreds of workers at its Chevrolet Cruze plant in Lordstown. David Joyce in a northeast Ohio district after he voted 31 times for repeal. So Jim Renacci, the Republican businessman-turned-congressman who is running against Brown, recently came to a soybean farm here in the rural town of Orwell to meet with the local agricultural community. But while one aide described him as a cross between Joe Biden and Mitt Romney, and he actually looks like a cross between Joe Biden and Mitt Romney, his political instincts are quite conventionally conservative.
There was definitely a lot of love in this barn, where a Trump banner Keep America Great rippled in the rafters. When a GOP county commissioner asked Renacci how he plans to support programs for recovering addicts like her son, he responded with a principled but tone-deaf riff about how the real epidemic is government spending.
Trump has resisted Republican calls to reform entitlements for the elderly, although he did push deep cuts to Medicaid and disability insurance for the poor.
Rich Rankin, the top United Auto Workers official in Ohio, told me he recently saw 15 high school friends for their fantasy football draft, and while 11 of them supported Trump, all 15 support Brown. Butch Lewis had 32 knee operations after he was wounded in Vietnam.
He still managed to drive a truck for 40 years, and he survived cancer and mini-strokes to make it to retirement. He had worked so hard so we could enjoy those years. The stress over his pension killed him.
The Central States multi-employer fund is expected to run out of cash in , crippled by a combination of corporate greed, bad planning and way too many retirees relative to active Teamsters. A similar fund for mineworkers could go belly up by This is why Brown wrote the Butch Lewis Act, which would create a loan program to prop up the pension funds, so that workers who contributed for decades, often sacrificing short-term raises for long-term security, will get the payouts they were promised.
But Republicans have been resistant. The issue of collapsing multi-employer pension funds barely affects 1 percent of American households. But for all the attention they get, older white working-class voters are not the majority of the electorate. Only 12 percent of its workers are unionized.
The white share of the electorate is still 82 percent but falling. I watched Cordray speak at a gathering of some of the 45, Somali-Americans in the Columbus area, and get choked up telling the story of how a popular high school junior named Hamze Achmed befriended his clueless freshman son after they met in a history class.
The idea that we categorize each other and shift blame on each other is so peculiarly un-American. Democrats will need a dramatic improvement on their numbers to flip Ohio in November, and votes from newly registered Somalis will count just as much as votes from retired Teamsters angry about their pensions.
They already love Sherrod Brown, and at a Labor Day rally in Lorain, he stood in a denim shirt in front of Cordray and a slew of other Democratic candidates, trying to reassure the workers he fights for that his party will fight for them, too, urging them to focus on the issues and ignore the noise out of Washington. Labor rights are on the ballot. Progressive government brought you Medicare, Social Security and safe drinking water—and the Democrats behind me understand that.
Brown is 65 years old, and he warned the crowd that three of four voters his age usually turn out in midterms, versus only one in five voters under If Democrats can change that in November, he said, Democrats will win.
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